
AMD officially announced its next-gen Ryzen 7000 Series desktop processors at the “together we advance_PCs” live stream event held back in August last year. And at CES 2023, the company added three new low-power CPUs to this lineup. Codenamed “Raphael”, AMD has shifted to a new 5nm process, Zen 4 architecture, and new AM5 socket motherboards for these processors. So let’s check out the specs, features, availability, and price of the AMD Ryzen 7000 series processors in Nepal.
AMD Zen 4 Ryzen 7000 Series Processors Overview:
For a long time, there was not much news circulating about the upcoming AMD Zen 4 Ryzen 7000 processors. But eventually, four new AMD processors surfaced online which the company officially launched in September 2022. Ryzen 9 7950X and 7900X, Ryzen 7 7700X, and Ryzen 5 7600X are the first SKUs under the Ryzen 7000 lineup.
Compared to the Zen 3-based processors, the new Zen 4 ones offer 1-1.1GHz higher clock speeds, slightly higher L2 caches, and an increased TDP. In terms of boost clocks, we can see a 700-800MHz increment as well. The top-end Ryzen 9 7950X requires a TDP of 170W compared to the 105W on the last gen Ryzen 9 5950X. With that (and several other factors including improved clock speeds), AMD says the speed gains go over 32% here.
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Zen 4 Architecture
Anyway, as mentioned earlier, Ryzen 7000 series marks AMD’s move to its Zen 4 architecture. The new architecture is based on TSMC’s 5nm process node. This is the first time that this process has been used in an x86 desktop processor, though we have seen its use in a lot of smartphone SoCs.

Like its predecessor, Zen 4 brings a chiplet-based design where two Core Complex Dies (CCDs) are connected via an Infinity cache Core Chiplet Dies (CCD). Zen 4 promises 1MB of L2 cache per CPU core—almost twice what Zen 3 offers. It also has integrated RDNA 2 GPU, and DDR5 memory, PCIe Gen 5 support.
In addition, AMD is even claiming up to 15% of single-threaded performance boost, max clock speeds higher than 5GHz, and “AI-accelerated” instructions. However, the company has refrained from providing much detail.
AM5 socket
Ryzen 7000 series is also the first desktop processor family to support the new AM5 socket. The new socket from AMD will be replacing the AM4 that has expanded across five generations of CPUs. So, if you are thinking of upgrading to the new Raphael processors, you will be compelled to get a new motherboard—although you will still be able to use the AM4 coolers if you like.

AMD’s AM5 has Land Grid Array (LGA) array compared to the Pin Grid Array (PGA) on its predecessor. It features 1718 pins, up to 24 lanes of PCIe 5.0, and DDR5 compatibility. Furthermore, it also has Wi-Fi 6 with Dual Band Simultaneous (DBS), Bluetooth LE 5.2, and up to 24 SuperSpeed USB ports with speeds of up to 20Gbps.
Three new chipsets
AMD has even announced three new chipsets for the new Zen 4-based Ryzen 7000 desktop processors. The most premium of the bunch is the X670E with the “E” standing for extreme. X607E guarantees full support for PCIe 5.0 and advanced overclocking.
Then there is the X670, which AMD says will allow for enthusiast-level overclocking and PCIe storage and graphics. Finally, the B650 is targeted at the mainstream audience and will be cheaper than X670 and X670E. It also has PCIe 5.0 lanes but only for storage devices. The company has already confirmed multiple flagship AM5 motherboards from partners like Asus, Gigabyte, and MSI.
AMD Ryzen 7000 Series (X series) Specifications:
| CPU | Cores / Threads | Base Clock | Boost Clock | Cache (L2+L3) | GPU CUs | TDP | MSRP |
| Ryzen 9 7950X | 16 / 32 | 4.5 GHz | 5.7 GHz | 80MB (16+64) | 2CU (1WGP) | 170W | $699 |
| Ryzen 9 7900X | 12 / 24 | 4.7 GHz | 5.6 GHz | 76MB (12+64) | 2CU (1WGP) | 170W | $549 |
| Ryzen 7 7700X | 8 / 16 | 4.5 GHz | 5.4 GHz | 40MB (8+32) | 2CU (1WGP) | 105W | $399 |
| Ryzen 5 7600X | 6 / 12 | 4.7 GHz | 5.3 GHz | 38MB (6+32) | 2CU (1WGP) | 105W | $299 |
AMD Ryzen 7000 Series (65W) Overview:
Expanding the Ryzen 7000 series are the new 65W processors—that are geared towards both power and efficiency. With up to 12 cores, 24 threads, and all the Zen 4 goodness, the new Ryzen 9 7900, Ryzen 7 7700, and Ryzen 5 7600 go head-to-head against Intel’s 13th Gen 65W SKUs announced at CES 2023. They’re still DDR5-exclusive when it comes to memory choice, but AMD has somewhat addressed the value-proposition criticism with these CPUs. In fact, the company even ships a stock cooler with these.

More specifically, the Ryzen 9 and Ryzen 7 processors get a “Wraith Prism” cooler compared to a “Wraith Stealth” with the Ryzen 5 unit. All three of them are still unlocked and therefore overclockable via the Precision Boost Overdrive (PBO) utility tool. On the performance front, AMD says the Ryzen 9 7900 delivers up to 31% better gaming results compared to last-gen Ryzen 9 5900X. Or up to 48% better performance on creator apps.
| CPU | Cores / Threads | Base Clock | Boost Clock | Cache (L2+L3) | GPU CUs | Cooler | TDP | MSRP |
| Ryzen 9 7900 | 12 / 24 | 3.7 GHz | 5.4 GHz | 76MB (12+64) | 2CU (1WGP) | Wraith Prism | 65W | $429 |
| Ryzen 7 7700 | 8 / 16 | 3.8 GHz | 5.3 GHz | 40MB (8+32) | 2CU (1WGP) | 65W | $329 | |
| Ryzen 5 7600 | 6 / 12 | 3.8 GHz | 5.1 GHz | 38MB (6+32) | 2CU (1WGP) | Wraith Stealth | 65W | $229 |
AMD Ryzen 7000 Series Processors Price in Nepal and Availability
The price of the AMD Ryzen 7000 series processors starts at Rs. 30,000 for the Ryzen 7600 and goes all the way up to Rs. 100,000 for the Ryzen 7950X3D. You can buy AMD Ryzen 7000 series processors in Nepal from Matechi.
Ryzen 7000 Series
Price in Nepal
Availability
Ryzen 9
7950X3D
Rs. 100,000
Hukut
7900X3D
Rs. 90,000
7950X
Rs. 80,000
7900X
Rs. 60,000
7900
Rs. 57,000
Ryzen 7
7800X3D
Rs. 70,000
7700X
Rs. 45,000
7700
Rs. 40,000
Ryzen 5
7600X
Rs. 33,000
7600
Rs. 30,000
- Meanwhile, check out our $1000 Gaming PC Build for 2022.







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![Best Flagship Smartphones To Buy In Nepal [Updated] Like Keynesianism of any variety, green Keynesianism requires a vigorous state. Its political limits lie here, for the liberal-democratic state—at least as it currently exists—is entirely unlikely to create a green Keynesianism, at least one adequate to the problems we face. And were it capable, it would take too long. Green Keynesianism is thus a contradiction on political grounds; one with great consequences. Perhaps Keynesianism’s greatest flaw is its inability to even imagine that the work required might be done without the state, because it assumes a priori that the market is the state’s only “outside. ”52 For Keynesians (and perhaps for all liberals), the state and market fill all the space of the social; they cannot conceive of a world in which there are multiple social fields, other spaces in which organizational or allocative work is possible. This conceptual limit is perfectly coextensive with elite common sense: all important action happens in the realm of the state or the market, and it is a zero-sum game (this is why liberals accuse state-backed investment of “crowding out” private capital—from their perspective, there is nothing else out there to be pushed aside). Consequently, since the market has already demonstrated its inadequacy to the task, the state is an existential sine qua non. For all the libertarian babble of “free markets, ” there is no elite social group in the world that wants the state to disappear. On the contrary, the capture of the state is almost always a defining characteristic of elite status. This helps explain why Keynesianism—green or otherwise—is so attractive in moments of crisis, and why other options seem so utopian, futile, or doomed. Keynesianism in any one nation assumes and requires a sovereign state monopolizing both the legitimate use of violence and the legitimate allocation of resources within its territory. But planetary warming exposes the territorial nation-state as insufficient to address the crisis. With the surface of the globe covered in a chaotic and lumpy arrangement of adjacent but supposedly distinct and non-overlapping parcels, each of which has some capacity to contribute to everyone else’s calamity, it is clear to global elites that no individual or subgroup of contemporary states are up to the task. What is obviously necessary is a means of governance that is not beholden to modern state sovereignty, at the same time that this necessity is denied by some of those very sovereign states. For a green Keynesian solution to the problem of catastrophic climate change, the problem of the state resolves itself only in its seemingly inescapable lack of resolution. The regulatory and decision-making role of the state, not to mention the form it takes, is completely and utterly indeterminate. The scale of the problems is so great, it seems impossible to confront them without the state, but it seems just as impossible that the state as currently constituted is going to get the job done. We face a situation in which there is, under current geopolitical and geoeconomic arrangements, no right answer. To restate the political paradox more sharply: to address its contradictions— including the ecological contradiction that capital’s growth is destroying the planet—capitalism needs a planetary manager, a Keynesian world state. But elites have proven reluctant to build it, and it appears unlikely to miraculously realize itself. So, the only apparent capitalist solution to climate change is presently impossible; the only even marginally possible green Keynesianism that could save us is still predicated upon the territorial nation-state. The necessary, logical corollary is to scale all the way up: in the face of planetary climate change, the success of green Keynesian programs in any one nation depends upon the commitment of all other nations. Hence the motivation to create a kind of global Green New Deal, a “Green Bretton Woods, ” which is clearly the idealized objective of liberal and progressive forces at every COP from Copenhagen to Paris (or wherever we next invest our hopes). 53 This planetary Keynesianism is supposed to diminish the otherwise “inevitable” realpolitik that corrupts an aggregation of merely domestic arrangements by limiting the free rider or collective action problems associated with the market failure that plagues the “quintessential case of global commons. ” As Dani Rodrik puts it, “absent cosmopolitan considerations, each nation’s optimal strategy would be to emit freely and to free-ride on the carbon controls of other countries” —the “tragedy of the commons” at a planetary scale. 54 Because Keynesianism is constructed on the assumption that self-interest and public interest can only be reconciled by the state, a pragmatic, liberal realism would look for an answer in a higher power, one that could suppress or at least contain the urge to free ride. But because of its irreducibly sovereign basis, no green Keynesian program can imagine anything other than a cosmopolitan basis for doing so, a basis which violates its own foundation in state-based sovereign autonomy. It cannot propose to construct a mechanism with a “self-interest” in planetary “ecological stimulus”55 because that mechanism or institution would obviously require coercive power over the national component parts of the planet in which its power is “interested. ” The logical conclusion of this line of thought is as clear as it is significant. A transnational Keynesianism can only be predicated on the consolidation of a transnational variation on the sovereign subject without which Keynesianism is inconceivable. A planetary green Keynesianism, the only kind that might have a hope of confronting the problem in its scale and magnitude, is thus forced down one of two planetary paths—both of which lead, ultimately, to the same destination. The first path involves the construction of a consensual global agreement in which all parties find, if not something good, at least something better than the status quo. As Stiglitz says, “effective action has to be global; but given the deficiencies in the current system of global governance, action adequate to what needs to be done has yet to be taken. ”56 Thus the contortions required by the climate treaty planners to make such an agreement imaginable, let alone workable; a plan that is essential is impossible—yet something must be done. 57 This is why the proposals always seem so formulaic and empty, and virtually never involve substantive targets or means and timelines for implementation. 58 The diagnosis of the problem continually takes us to the edge of the chasm between what we know is necessary and the common sense judgment that it is totally impossible. So, to delay acknowledging that the impossible is necessary, “we” gather together at the precipice and list to each other all the qualities of a geopolitics that would make the chasm disappear. One recent assessment by influential US economists, for example, tells us that any effective global agreement will have to involve all of the following: global cooperation, adequate incentives for participation and compliance, equitability, cost-effectiveness, consistency with the international regime, verifiability, practicality, and realism. 59 The very conditions these thought experiments impose on the structure of agreements (a paradoxical response to a problem associated with realpolitik) make such proposals effectively unrealizable. It is like designing a bridge—a universalist, participatory, climate ethics that crosses the chasm of the “world’s biggest collective action problem” to a global village on the other side—that we know will never be able to support our weight. From Kyoto to Paris, we are left stranded; hearts filled with hope, feet on crumbling soil. We therefore come face to face with the cruel specter of the second possible path: the emergence of one nation-state, or a small set of nation-states, that arrogate to themselves the impossible institutional capacities that come with an interest in supranational “ecological stimulus. ” This is a Climate Leviathan that can bear the burdens required of a planetary Keynesian subject, capable of coordinating investment, distributing productive and destructive capacity, and managing free riders. The differences between the results of these two sovereignties, if any, is unclear. Both could fill the role of Leviathan. And, to the extent that it is reasonable to expect war as the solution for a world in which isolated nation- states pursue their struggles against an uneven wave of environmental disasters, even domestic green Keynesianisms lead here. We must not forget that Keynesianism was a product of world war and depended deeply upon it. One way or another, however reluctantly, the logic of capital in the Anthropocene points toward planetary sovereignty. We must therefore consider the conditions for its potential emergence.](https://cdn.gadgetbytenepal.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/Best-Flagship-Phones-who-is-it-ft.jpg)